ray_bts_minhash_deduplicator

A MinhashLSH deduplicator that operates in Ray distributed mode.

This operator uses the MinHash LSH technique to identify and remove near-duplicate samples from a dataset. It supports various tokenization methods, including space, punctuation, character, and sentencepiece. The Jaccard similarity threshold is used to determine if two samples are considered duplicates. If the Jaccard similarity of two samples is greater than or equal to the specified threshold, one of the samples is filtered out. The operator computes the MinHash values for each sample and uses a union- find algorithm to group similar samples. The key metric, Jaccard similarity, is computed based on the shingling of the text. The operator can run on both CPU and GPU, with specific batch size and memory configurations for each.

一个在 Ray 分布式模式下运行的 MinhashLSH 去重器。

该算子使用 MinHash LSH 技术来识别并从数据集中删除近似重复样本。它支持多种分词方法，包括空格、标点符号、字符和 sentencepiece。Jaccard 相似度阈值用于确定两个样本是否被视为重复。如果两个样本的 Jaccard 相似度大于或等于指定阈值，则其中一个样本将被过滤掉。该算子计算每个样本的 MinHash 值，并使用并查集算法对相似样本进行分组。关键指标 Jaccard 相似度基于文本的 shingling 计算。该算子可以在 CPU 和 GPU 上运行，每种情况都有特定的批量大小和内存配置。

Type 算子类型: deduplicator

Tags 标签: cpu, text

🔧 Parameter Configuration 参数配置

name 参数名	type 类型	default 默认值	desc 说明
tokenization	<class ‘str’>	'space'	tokenization method for sample texts. It
window_size	typing.Annotated[int, Gt(gt=0)]	5	window size of shingling
lowercase	<class ‘bool’>	True	whether to convert text to lower case first
ignore_pattern	typing.Optional[str]	None	whether to ignore sub-strings with
num_permutations	typing.Annotated[int, Gt(gt=0)]	256	number of permutations in minhash
jaccard_threshold	typing.Annotated[float, FieldInfo(annotation=NoneType, required=True, metadata=[Ge(ge=0), Le(le=1)])]	0.7	the min jaccard similarity threshold
num_bands	typing.Optional[typing.Annotated[int, Gt(gt=0)]]	None	number of bands in LSH. Default it’s None, and
num_rows_per_band	typing.Optional[typing.Annotated[int, Gt(gt=0)]]	None	number of rows in each band in LSH.
tokenizer_model	typing.Optional[str]	None	path for the sentencepiece model, used for
union_find_parallel_num	typing.Union[int, str]	'auto'	number of parallel workers for
union_threshold	typing.Optional[int]	256	threshold for minhash values group to
max_pending_edge_buffer_task	typing.Optional[int]	20	max number of pending edge buffer
num_edge_buffer_task_returns	typing.Optional[int]	10	number of edge buffer tasks for
max_pending_filter_tasks	typing.Optional[int]	20	max number of pending filter ray
num_filter_task_returns	typing.Optional[int]	10	number of filter tasks for ray.wait
merge_batch_size	typing.Optional[int]	1000	batch size for BTS operations. Default
minhash_batch_size	typing.Union[int, str, NoneType]	'auto'	batch size for MinHash computation. If “auto”,
memory_per_sample	typing.Optional[float]	0.1	estimated memory needed per sample in MB.
args		''
kwargs		''

📊 Effect demonstration 效果演示

test_english_deduplication

RayBTSMinhashDeduplicator(ignore_pattern='\\p{P}', work_dir=os.path.join(os.path.dirname(os.path.abspath(__file__)), 'english_dedup'))

📥 input data 输入数据

Sample 1: text

Today is Sunday and it's a happy day!

Sample 2: text

Do you need a cup of coffee?

Sample 3: text

Today is sunday and it's really a happy day!

Sample 4: text

This paper proposed a novel method on LLM pretraining.

Sample 5: text

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.
Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers…

Show more 展开更多 (8627 more chars)

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers at the Sioux Falls plant have tested positive, together with 206 people close to them. The outbreak has killed Agustín Rodríguez Martínez, aged 64, an employee with two decades of experience originally from El Salvador, and Craig Allen Franken, 61, who worked for Smithfield his entire adult life.
The company knew of its first infection on March 24 or earlier. The virus spread exponentially for several weeks. Ahead of Easter Sunday and Monday (April 12-13), Smithfield promised to “completely shutter” to sanitize and put up cardboard and plastic sheet dividers. This would not end transmission, as potentially hundreds of staff were already carrying the virus. But even during this “shutdown,” many cars were seen in the parking lot. The mayor admits that the company lied, and the local AFL-CIO alleges the plant ran 60 percent production. On Easter, with 238 known infections, Smithfield finally agreed to shut down indefinitely after a request from the mayor and the governor. Yet the company insisted on waiting three more days to actually halt production.
Smithfield denied contributing to the outbreak, saying it took a “very proactive approach.” Relying on racism, the company blamed workers for getting themselves sick. A spokesperson said the outbreak was so severe because of the plant’s “large immigrant population,” claming “Living circumstances in certain cultures are different than they are with your traditional American family.” They slandered the workers as dirty, ignorant, and untrustworthy with help from governor Kristi Noem, who claimed, “99 percent of what’s going on today wasn’t happening inside the facility. It was more at home, where these employees were going home and spreading some of the virus” by living too close together.
One sick worker, Michael Bul Gayo Gatluak, 22 and originally from South Sudan, says, “With how we work on the line, I would say I got sick because of them not taking safety measures.” His job is “really, really close” to other workers chopping fresh-killed pigs. “The job is so heavy. You have to breathe so hard.”
In early March, union officials requested masks, overcoats, entrance checking for fevers, and less crowding in 500-capacity cafeterias. But Smithfield waited on most safety measures until early April. Only April 6 did they start checking for fevers. Instead of protective masks, they gave out beard nets.
Smithfield concealed infections with a policy of informing only employees whose work stations were in the same area as a person who tested positive. The fact that workers are required to move around was willfully ignored. One worker who tested positive said, “I clearly would have gotten it at the factory. This week I have worked on three different floors. I’ve eaten in two different cafeterias … I’ve been walking through the whole place.” Employees from the eighth floor of the plant were quarantined, but everyone else was told to keep working.
What Is Really Going On?
Average plant wages are around $16 an hour. Smithfield never raised them. Instead, they offered $500 to employees who could go all of April without an unapproved day off. The company says their “Responsibility Bonuses” show their “immense gratefulness” to employees “for their selfless sacrifices.”
Meanwhile, the local Argus Leader wrote union members wanted essential-worker hazard pay, which “would be considered hourly compensation about 1.5 or two times their normal pay.” One worker said, “I feel like they’re bribing us with [the bonus] to come to work sick. That’s how you know they don’t care.”
Both Sioux Falls workers killed by Covid-19 were in their sixties. It is unconscionable that they were still working. All meatpackers over 50 should be on paid leave. Agustín Rodríguez, 64, had a rough job sawing the legs off dead pigs. He mopped floors with a fever shortly before he was hospitalized.
When CEO Kenneth Sullivan closed the plant, he claimed, “We have continued to run our facilities for one reason: to sustain our nation’s food supply.” This is an effort to sweep Smithfield’s abuses under the rug, as if the company were operating for public benefit. This patriotic propaganda that all Americans are in it together is like a drug to keep workers from getting organized.
The major union in the industry, including at Smithfield, is the United Food and Commercial Workers union (UFCW). What union leaders have done is ultimately troubling.
Can Workers Fight?
Local AFL-CIO president Kooper Caraway has publicly said management delayed safety action as long as possible for profit. But while some workers were demanding a two-week shutdown, Caraway told the Argus Leader that was unrealistic because the government considers the plant essential. He suggested the union would be happy with minimal safety measures: “Even if 10 people get exposed in a day rather than 11. If you can implement a program where even one or two less people get exposed during a shift, that’s one or two less people.” Of course reducing infections is good, but suggesting workers would be satisfied if the company allowed 90% of the contagion to continue is horrifying.
The response of UFCW leadership was worse. As the disease was exploding, they told the Argus Leader, “We applaud [Smithfield’s] decision to temporarily close the plant [over Easter weekend] to push for an even safer work environment.” What does “even safer” mean in this context?
The union bureaucracy has taken weak action elsewhere. In Pennsylvania, the UFCW negotiated $2 hazard pay for two months with Cargill Meat — the same pandemic premium Amazon gave workers without a union. In Nebraska, the UFCW negotiated $4 hazard pay for one month with meat giant JBS.
The union has said nothing about forcing companies to send older workers home with pay, even though a 70-year-old shop steward and a 78-year-old grandfather working at JBS plants were killed by Covid-19. Smithfield workers were promised only two weeks of shutdown pay. For many, this compensation is half their normal paycheck because they routinely put in 66 hour weeks — overtime that costs exhaustion and chronic pain.
Union officials endeavor to cooperate with the meat companies. An Iowa UFCW president actually suggested it might be impossible for plants to move workers a full six feet apart and told the Des Moines Register, “We can’t stop the plants. If we stop the plants from running, we stop feeding the country. We want to do everything we can to make sure the employees are safe to keep the plant running.”
Every part of this explanation directly overlaps with what the Smithfield CEO said. Unfortunately, it amounts to accepting the company’s excuses.
They claim that workers who do hard physical labor, waking up at 4 a.m. and often working six days a week for years, would be guilty of taking food away from the people and hurting America if they dared to fight for their human needs. But nothing is said about the company raking in profits and even murdering workers to increase them.
Smithfield’s parent company W.H. Group, which slaughters around 30 million pigs per year in plants in both the United States and China, saw its profits skyrocket by about one third in 2019 to $1.38 billion. It is disturbing that UFCW officials do not bring up these soaring profits in their response to the outbreaks. Reuters published a report on the corporation’s financial success in late March. The head of W.H. Group had touted to the media that it got through the pandemic in China with very limited impact on production.
It is true that many Smithfield workers are reasonably afraid for their jobs and want to keep working. A 25-year-old employee explained, “I have a lot of bills. My baby’s coming soon — I have to work.” At the same time, he was afraid of infecting his pregnant wife. His spouse, a former employee, said bitterly, “Smithfield— they don’t care about employees. They only care about their money.”
Workers are pressured in these two painful directions. Nonetheless, work can mean solidarity. Before Smithfield even checked temperatures, there was a “sick-out” strike without union support by 800 to 1,000 workers at a JBS meat factory in Colorado. Hundreds of workers also called in sick days at a Nebraska JBS plant.
Trade union leaders won’t even whisper the word “strike” when thousands of workers are thinking about it. They are limiting themselves to polite requests. We need a workers’ movement that asks who controls the factory, that threatens to disrupt the bosses’ profits, and that allows workers to use their immense power — this could change the meat industry and the world. 

Sample 6: text

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plants in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pig a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers…

Show more 展开更多 (8627 more chars)

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plants in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pig a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers at the Sioux Falls plant have tested positive, together with 206 people close to them. The outbreak has killed Agustín Rodríguez Martínez, aged 64, an employee with two decades of experience originally from El Salvador, and Craig Allen Franken, 61, who worked for Smithfield his entire adult life.
The company knew of its first infection on March 24 or earlier. The virus spread exponentially for several weeks. Ahead of Easter Sunday and Monday (April 12-13), Smithfield promised to “completely shutter” to sanitize and put up cardboard and plastic sheet dividers. This would not end transmission, as potentially hundreds of staff were already carrying the virus. But even during this “shutdown,” many cars were seen in the parking lot. The mayor admits that the company lied, and the local AFL-CIO alleges the plant ran 60 percent production. On Easter, with 238 known infections, Smithfield finally agreed to shut down indefinitely after a request from the mayor and the governor. Yet the company insisted on waiting three more days to actually halt production.
Smithfield denied contributing to the outbreak, saying it took a “very proactive approach.” Relying on racism, the company blamed workers for getting themselves sick. A spokesperson said the outbreak was so severe because of the plant’s “large immigrant population,” claming “Living circumstances in certain cultures are different than they are with your traditional American family.” They slandered the workers as dirty, ignorant, and untrustworthy with help from governor Kristi Noem, who claimed, “99 percent of what’s going on today wasn’t happening inside the facility. It was more at home, where these employees were going home and spreading some of the virus” by living too close together.
One sick worker, Michael Bul Gayo Gatluak, 22 and originally from South Sudan, says, “With how we work on the line, I would say I got sick because of them not taking safety measures.” His job is “really, really close” to other workers chopping fresh-killed pigs. “The job is so heavy. You have to breathe so hard.”
In early March, union officials requested masks, overcoats, entrance checking for fevers, and less crowding in 500-capacity cafeterias. But Smithfield waited on most safety measures until early April. Only April 6 did they start checking for fevers. Instead of protective masks, they gave out beard nets.
Smithfield concealed infections with a policy of informing only employees whose work stations were in the same area as a person who tested positive. The fact that workers are required to move around was willfully ignored. One worker who tested positive said, “I clearly would have gotten it at the factory. This week I have worked on three different floors. I’ve eaten in two different cafeterias … I’ve been walking through the whole place.” Employees from the eighth floor of the plant were quarantined, but everyone else was told to keep working.
What Is Really Going On?
Average plant wages are around $16 an hour. Smithfield never raised them. Instead, they offered $500 to employees who could go all of April without an unapproved day off. The company says their “Responsibility Bonuses” show their “immense gratefulness” to employees “for their selfless sacrifices.”
Meanwhile, the local Argus Leader wrote union members wanted essential-worker hazard pay, which “would be considered hourly compensation about 1.5 or two times their normal pay.” One worker said, “I feel like they’re bribing us with [the bonus] to come to work sick. That’s how you know they don’t care.”
Both Sioux Falls workers killed by Covid-19 were in their sixties. It is unconscionable that they were still working. All meatpackers over 50 should be on paid leave. Agustín Rodríguez, 64, had a rough job sawing the legs off dead pigs. He mopped floors with a fever shortly before he was hospitalized.
When CEO Kenneth Sullivan closed the plant, he claimed, “We have continued to run our facilities for one reason: to sustain our nation’s food supply.” This is an effort to sweep Smithfield’s abuses under the rug, as if the company were operating for public benefit. This patriotic propaganda that all Americans are in it together is like a drug to keep workers from getting organized.
The major union in the industry, including at Smithfield, is the United Food and Commercial Workers union (UFCW). What union leaders have done is ultimately troubling.
Can Workers Fight?
Local AFL-CIO president Kooper Caraway has publicly said management delayed safety action as long as possible for profit. But while some workers were demanding a two-week shutdown, Caraway told the Argus Leader that was unrealistic because the government considers the plant essential. He suggested the union would be happy with minimal safety measures: “Even if 10 people get exposed in a day rather than 11. If you can implement a program where even one or two less people get exposed during a shift, that’s one or two less people.” Of course reducing infections is good, but suggesting workers would be satisfied if the company allowed 90% of the contagion to continue is horrifying.
The response of UFCW leadership was worse. As the disease was exploding, they told the Argus Leader, “We applaud [Smithfield’s] decision to temporarily close the plant [over Easter weekend] to push for an even safer work environment.” What does “even safer” mean in this context?
The union bureaucracy has taken weak action elsewhere. In Pennsylvania, the UFCW negotiated $2 hazard pay for two months with Cargill Meat — the same pandemic premium Amazon gave workers without a union. In Nebraska, the UFCW negotiated $4 hazard pay for one month with meat giant JBS.
The union has said nothing about forcing companies to send older workers home with pay, even though a 70-year-old shop steward and a 78-year-old grandfather working at JBS plants were killed by Covid-19. Smithfield workers were promised only two weeks of shutdown pay. For many, this compensation is half their normal paycheck because they routinely put in 66 hour weeks — overtime that costs exhaustion and chronic pain.
Union officials endeavor to cooperate with the meat companies. An Iowa UFCW president actually suggested it might be impossible for plants to move workers a full six feet apart and told the Des Moines Register, “We can’t stop the plants. If we stop the plants from running, we stop feeding the country. We want to do everything we can to make sure the employees are safe to keep the plant running.”
Every part of this explanation directly overlaps with what the Smithfield CEO said. Unfortunately, it amounts to accepting the company’s excuses.
They claim that workers who do hard physical labor, waking up at 4 a.m. and often working six days a week for years, would be guilty of taking food away from the people and hurting America if they dared to fight for their human needs. But nothing is said about the company raking in profits and even murdering workers to increase them.
Smithfield’s parent company W.H. Group, which slaughters around 30 million pigs per year in plants in both the United States and China, saw its profits skyrocket by about one third in 2019 to $1.38 billion. It is disturbing that UFCW officials do not bring up these soaring profits in their response to the outbreaks. Reuters published a report on the corporation’s financial success in late March. The head of W.H. Group had touted to the media that it got through the pandemic in China with very limited impact on production.
It is true that many Smithfield workers are reasonably afraid for their jobs and want to keep working. A 25-year-old employee explained, “I have a lot of bills. My baby’s coming soon — I have to work.” At the same time, he was afraid of infecting his pregnant wife. His spouse, a former employee, said bitterly, “Smithfield— they don’t care about employees. They only care about their money.”
Workers are pressured in these two painful directions. Nonetheless, work can mean solidarity. Before Smithfield even checked temperatures, there was a “sick-out” strike without union support by 800 to 1,000 workers at a JBS meat factory in Colorado. Hundreds of workers also called in sick days at a Nebraska JBS plant.
Trade union leaders won’t even whisper the word “strike” when thousands of workers are thinking about it. They are limiting themselves to polite requests. We need a workers’ movement that asks who controls the factory, that threatens to disrupt the bosses’ profits, and that allows workers to use their immense power — this could change the meat industry and the world. 

Sample 7: text

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers…

Show more 展开更多 (4260 more chars)

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers at the Sioux Falls plant have tested positive, together with 206 people close to them. The outbreak has killed Agustín Rodríguez Martínez, aged 64, an employee with two decades of experience originally from El Salvador, and Craig Allen Franken, 61, who worked for Smithfield his entire adult life.
The company knew of its first infection on March 24 or earlier. The virus spread exponentially for several weeks. Ahead of Easter Sunday and Monday (April 12-13), Smithfield promised to “completely shutter” to sanitize and put up cardboard and plastic sheet dividers. This would not end transmission, as potentially hundreds of staff were already carrying the virus. But even during this “shutdown,” many cars were seen in the parking lot. The mayor admits that the company lied, and the local AFL-CIO alleges the plant ran 60 percent production. On Easter, with 238 known infections, Smithfield finally agreed to shut down indefinitely after a request from the mayor and the governor. Yet the company insisted on waiting three more days to actually halt production.
Smithfield denied contributing to the outbreak, saying it took a “very proactive approach.” Relying on racism, the company blamed workers for getting themselves sick. A spokesperson said the outbreak was so severe because of the plant’s “large immigrant population,” claming “Living circumstances in certain cultures are different than they are with your traditional American family.” They slandered the workers as dirty, ignorant, and untrustworthy with help from governor Kristi Noem, who claimed, “99 percent of what’s going on today wasn’t happening inside the facility. It was more at home, where these employees were going home and spreading some of the virus” by living too close together.
One sick worker, Michael Bul Gayo Gatluak, 22 and originally from South Sudan, says, “With how we work on the line, I would say I got sick because of them not taking safety measures.” His job is “really, really close” to other workers chopping fresh-killed pigs. “The job is so heavy. You have to breathe so hard.”
In early March, union officials requested masks, overcoats, entrance checking for fevers, and less crowding in 500-capacity cafeterias. But Smithfield waited on most safety measures until early April. Only April 6 did they start checking for fevers. Instead of protective masks, they gave out beard nets.
Smithfield concealed infections with a policy of informing only employees whose work stations were in the same area as a person who tested positive. The fact that workers are required to move around was willfully ignored. One worker who tested positive said, “I clearly would have gotten it at the factory. This week I have worked on three different floors. I’ve eaten in two different cafeterias … I’ve been walking through the whole place.” Employees from the eighth floor of the plant were quarantined, but everyone else was told to keep working.
What Is Really Going On?
Average plant wages are around $16 an hour. Smithfield never raised them. Instead, they offered $500 to employees who could go all of April without an unapproved day off. The company says their “Responsibility Bonuses” show their “immense gratefulness” to employees “for their selfless sacrifices.”
Meanwhile, the local Argus Leader wrote union members wanted essential-worker hazard pay, which “would be considered hourly compensation about 1.5 or two times their normal pay.” One worker said, “I feel like they’re bribing us with [the bonus] to come to work sick. That’s how you know they don’t care.”
Both Sioux Falls workers killed by Covid-19 were in their sixties. It is unconscionable that they were still working. All meatpackers over 50 should be on paid leave. Agustín Rodríguez, 64, had a rough job sawing the legs off dead pigs. He mopped floors with a fever shortly before he was hospitalized.
When CEO Kenneth Sullivan closed the plant, he claimed, “We have continued to run our facilities for one reason: to sustain our nation’s food supply.” This is an effort to sweep Smithfield’s abuses under the rug, as if the company were operating for public benefit. This patriotic propaganda that all Americans are in it together is like a drug to keep workers from getting organized. 

Sample 8: text

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plants in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pig a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers…

Show more 展开更多 (4260 more chars)

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plants in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pig a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers at the Sioux Falls plant have tested positive, together with 206 people close to them. The outbreak has killed Agustín Rodríguez Martínez, aged 64, an employee with two decades of experience originally from El Salvador, and Craig Allen Franken, 61, who worked for Smithfield his entire adult life.
The company knew of its first infection on March 24 or earlier. The virus spread exponentially for several weeks. Ahead of Easter Sunday and Monday (April 12-13), Smithfield promised to “completely shutter” to sanitize and put up cardboard and plastic sheet dividers. This would not end transmission, as potentially hundreds of staff were already carrying the virus. But even during this “shutdown,” many cars were seen in the parking lot. The mayor admits that the company lied, and the local AFL-CIO alleges the plant ran 60 percent production. On Easter, with 238 known infections, Smithfield finally agreed to shut down indefinitely after a request from the mayor and the governor. Yet the company insisted on waiting three more days to actually halt production.
Smithfield denied contributing to the outbreak, saying it took a “very proactive approach.” Relying on racism, the company blamed workers for getting themselves sick. A spokesperson said the outbreak was so severe because of the plant’s “large immigrant population,” claming “Living circumstances in certain cultures are different than they are with your traditional American family.” They slandered the workers as dirty, ignorant, and untrustworthy with help from governor Kristi Noem, who claimed, “99 percent of what’s going on today wasn’t happening inside the facility. It was more at home, where these employees were going home and spreading some of the virus” by living too close together.
One sick worker, Michael Bul Gayo Gatluak, 22 and originally from South Sudan, says, “With how we work on the line, I would say I got sick because of them not taking safety measures.” His job is “really, really close” to other workers chopping fresh-killed pigs. “The job is so heavy. You have to breathe so hard.”
In early March, union officials requested masks, overcoats, entrance checking for fevers, and less crowding in 500-capacity cafeterias. But Smithfield waited on most safety measures until early April. Only April 6 did they start checking for fevers. Instead of protective masks, they gave out beard nets.
Smithfield concealed infections with a policy of informing only employees whose work stations were in the same area as a person who tested positive. The fact that workers are required to move around was willfully ignored. One worker who tested positive said, “I clearly would have gotten it at the factory. This week I have worked on three different floors. I’ve eaten in two different cafeterias … I’ve been walking through the whole place.” Employees from the eighth floor of the plant were quarantined, but everyone else was told to keep working.
What Is Really Going On?
Average plant wages are around $16 an hour. Smithfield never raised them. Instead, they offered $500 to employees who could go all of April without an unapproved day off. The company says their “Responsibility Bonuses” show their “immense gratefulness” to employees “for their selfless sacrifices.”
Meanwhile, the local Argus Leader wrote union members wanted essential-worker hazard pay, which “would be considered hourly compensation about 1.5 or two times their normal pay.” One worker said, “I feel like they’re bribing us with [the bonus] to come to work sick. That’s how you know they don’t care.”
Both Sioux Falls workers killed by Covid-19 were in their sixties. It is unconscionable that they were still working. All meatpackers over 50 should be on paid leave. Agustín Rodríguez, 64, had a rough job sawing the legs off dead pigs. He mopped floors with a fever shortly before he was hospitalized.
When CEO Kenneth Sullivan closed the plant, he claimed, “We have continued to run our facilities for one reason: to sustain our nation’s food supply.” This is an effort to sweep Smithfield’s abuses under the rug, as if the company were operating for public benefit. This patriotic propaganda that all Americans are in it together is like a drug to keep workers from getting organized. 

Sample 9: text

This paper proposed a novel method on LLM pretraining.

📤 output data 输出数据

Sample 1: text

Today is Sunday and it's a happy day!

Sample 2: text

Do you need a cup of coffee?

Sample 3: text

Today is sunday and it's really a happy day!

Sample 4: text

This paper proposed a novel method on LLM pretraining.

Sample 5: text

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.
Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers…

Show more 展开更多 (8627 more chars)

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers at the Sioux Falls plant have tested positive, together with 206 people close to them. The outbreak has killed Agustín Rodríguez Martínez, aged 64, an employee with two decades of experience originally from El Salvador, and Craig Allen Franken, 61, who worked for Smithfield his entire adult life.
The company knew of its first infection on March 24 or earlier. The virus spread exponentially for several weeks. Ahead of Easter Sunday and Monday (April 12-13), Smithfield promised to “completely shutter” to sanitize and put up cardboard and plastic sheet dividers. This would not end transmission, as potentially hundreds of staff were already carrying the virus. But even during this “shutdown,” many cars were seen in the parking lot. The mayor admits that the company lied, and the local AFL-CIO alleges the plant ran 60 percent production. On Easter, with 238 known infections, Smithfield finally agreed to shut down indefinitely after a request from the mayor and the governor. Yet the company insisted on waiting three more days to actually halt production.
Smithfield denied contributing to the outbreak, saying it took a “very proactive approach.” Relying on racism, the company blamed workers for getting themselves sick. A spokesperson said the outbreak was so severe because of the plant’s “large immigrant population,” claming “Living circumstances in certain cultures are different than they are with your traditional American family.” They slandered the workers as dirty, ignorant, and untrustworthy with help from governor Kristi Noem, who claimed, “99 percent of what’s going on today wasn’t happening inside the facility. It was more at home, where these employees were going home and spreading some of the virus” by living too close together.
One sick worker, Michael Bul Gayo Gatluak, 22 and originally from South Sudan, says, “With how we work on the line, I would say I got sick because of them not taking safety measures.” His job is “really, really close” to other workers chopping fresh-killed pigs. “The job is so heavy. You have to breathe so hard.”
In early March, union officials requested masks, overcoats, entrance checking for fevers, and less crowding in 500-capacity cafeterias. But Smithfield waited on most safety measures until early April. Only April 6 did they start checking for fevers. Instead of protective masks, they gave out beard nets.
Smithfield concealed infections with a policy of informing only employees whose work stations were in the same area as a person who tested positive. The fact that workers are required to move around was willfully ignored. One worker who tested positive said, “I clearly would have gotten it at the factory. This week I have worked on three different floors. I’ve eaten in two different cafeterias … I’ve been walking through the whole place.” Employees from the eighth floor of the plant were quarantined, but everyone else was told to keep working.
What Is Really Going On?
Average plant wages are around $16 an hour. Smithfield never raised them. Instead, they offered $500 to employees who could go all of April without an unapproved day off. The company says their “Responsibility Bonuses” show their “immense gratefulness” to employees “for their selfless sacrifices.”
Meanwhile, the local Argus Leader wrote union members wanted essential-worker hazard pay, which “would be considered hourly compensation about 1.5 or two times their normal pay.” One worker said, “I feel like they’re bribing us with [the bonus] to come to work sick. That’s how you know they don’t care.”
Both Sioux Falls workers killed by Covid-19 were in their sixties. It is unconscionable that they were still working. All meatpackers over 50 should be on paid leave. Agustín Rodríguez, 64, had a rough job sawing the legs off dead pigs. He mopped floors with a fever shortly before he was hospitalized.
When CEO Kenneth Sullivan closed the plant, he claimed, “We have continued to run our facilities for one reason: to sustain our nation’s food supply.” This is an effort to sweep Smithfield’s abuses under the rug, as if the company were operating for public benefit. This patriotic propaganda that all Americans are in it together is like a drug to keep workers from getting organized.
The major union in the industry, including at Smithfield, is the United Food and Commercial Workers union (UFCW). What union leaders have done is ultimately troubling.
Can Workers Fight?
Local AFL-CIO president Kooper Caraway has publicly said management delayed safety action as long as possible for profit. But while some workers were demanding a two-week shutdown, Caraway told the Argus Leader that was unrealistic because the government considers the plant essential. He suggested the union would be happy with minimal safety measures: “Even if 10 people get exposed in a day rather than 11. If you can implement a program where even one or two less people get exposed during a shift, that’s one or two less people.” Of course reducing infections is good, but suggesting workers would be satisfied if the company allowed 90% of the contagion to continue is horrifying.
The response of UFCW leadership was worse. As the disease was exploding, they told the Argus Leader, “We applaud [Smithfield’s] decision to temporarily close the plant [over Easter weekend] to push for an even safer work environment.” What does “even safer” mean in this context?
The union bureaucracy has taken weak action elsewhere. In Pennsylvania, the UFCW negotiated $2 hazard pay for two months with Cargill Meat — the same pandemic premium Amazon gave workers without a union. In Nebraska, the UFCW negotiated $4 hazard pay for one month with meat giant JBS.
The union has said nothing about forcing companies to send older workers home with pay, even though a 70-year-old shop steward and a 78-year-old grandfather working at JBS plants were killed by Covid-19. Smithfield workers were promised only two weeks of shutdown pay. For many, this compensation is half their normal paycheck because they routinely put in 66 hour weeks — overtime that costs exhaustion and chronic pain.
Union officials endeavor to cooperate with the meat companies. An Iowa UFCW president actually suggested it might be impossible for plants to move workers a full six feet apart and told the Des Moines Register, “We can’t stop the plants. If we stop the plants from running, we stop feeding the country. We want to do everything we can to make sure the employees are safe to keep the plant running.”
Every part of this explanation directly overlaps with what the Smithfield CEO said. Unfortunately, it amounts to accepting the company’s excuses.
They claim that workers who do hard physical labor, waking up at 4 a.m. and often working six days a week for years, would be guilty of taking food away from the people and hurting America if they dared to fight for their human needs. But nothing is said about the company raking in profits and even murdering workers to increase them.
Smithfield’s parent company W.H. Group, which slaughters around 30 million pigs per year in plants in both the United States and China, saw its profits skyrocket by about one third in 2019 to $1.38 billion. It is disturbing that UFCW officials do not bring up these soaring profits in their response to the outbreaks. Reuters published a report on the corporation’s financial success in late March. The head of W.H. Group had touted to the media that it got through the pandemic in China with very limited impact on production.
It is true that many Smithfield workers are reasonably afraid for their jobs and want to keep working. A 25-year-old employee explained, “I have a lot of bills. My baby’s coming soon — I have to work.” At the same time, he was afraid of infecting his pregnant wife. His spouse, a former employee, said bitterly, “Smithfield— they don’t care about employees. They only care about their money.”
Workers are pressured in these two painful directions. Nonetheless, work can mean solidarity. Before Smithfield even checked temperatures, there was a “sick-out” strike without union support by 800 to 1,000 workers at a JBS meat factory in Colorado. Hundreds of workers also called in sick days at a Nebraska JBS plant.
Trade union leaders won’t even whisper the word “strike” when thousands of workers are thinking about it. They are limiting themselves to polite requests. We need a workers’ movement that asks who controls the factory, that threatens to disrupt the bosses’ profits, and that allows workers to use their immense power — this could change the meat industry and the world. 

Sample 6: text

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers…

Show more 展开更多 (4260 more chars)

Smithfield employs 3,700 people at its plant in Sioux Falls, South Dakota. The plant slaughters 19,500 pigs a day — 5 percent of U.S. pork. Most of the workers are immigrants from Ethiopia, Mexico, South Sudan, Honduras, Myanmar, Somalia, Guatemala, and other poor countries.

Inevitably workers must pass within one foot of hundreds of colleagues in the hallways, locker rooms, cafeterias, and cutting lines. The same conditions have spurred Covid-19 outbreaks at meat plants from Minnesota and Wisconsin to Colorado, Nebraska, Missouri, Iowa, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, and Georgia.
801 workers at the Sioux Falls plant have tested positive, together with 206 people close to them. The outbreak has killed Agustín Rodríguez Martínez, aged 64, an employee with two decades of experience originally from El Salvador, and Craig Allen Franken, 61, who worked for Smithfield his entire adult life.
The company knew of its first infection on March 24 or earlier. The virus spread exponentially for several weeks. Ahead of Easter Sunday and Monday (April 12-13), Smithfield promised to “completely shutter” to sanitize and put up cardboard and plastic sheet dividers. This would not end transmission, as potentially hundreds of staff were already carrying the virus. But even during this “shutdown,” many cars were seen in the parking lot. The mayor admits that the company lied, and the local AFL-CIO alleges the plant ran 60 percent production. On Easter, with 238 known infections, Smithfield finally agreed to shut down indefinitely after a request from the mayor and the governor. Yet the company insisted on waiting three more days to actually halt production.
Smithfield denied contributing to the outbreak, saying it took a “very proactive approach.” Relying on racism, the company blamed workers for getting themselves sick. A spokesperson said the outbreak was so severe because of the plant’s “large immigrant population,” claming “Living circumstances in certain cultures are different than they are with your traditional American family.” They slandered the workers as dirty, ignorant, and untrustworthy with help from governor Kristi Noem, who claimed, “99 percent of what’s going on today wasn’t happening inside the facility. It was more at home, where these employees were going home and spreading some of the virus” by living too close together.
One sick worker, Michael Bul Gayo Gatluak, 22 and originally from South Sudan, says, “With how we work on the line, I would say I got sick because of them not taking safety measures.” His job is “really, really close” to other workers chopping fresh-killed pigs. “The job is so heavy. You have to breathe so hard.”
In early March, union officials requested masks, overcoats, entrance checking for fevers, and less crowding in 500-capacity cafeterias. But Smithfield waited on most safety measures until early April. Only April 6 did they start checking for fevers. Instead of protective masks, they gave out beard nets.
Smithfield concealed infections with a policy of informing only employees whose work stations were in the same area as a person who tested positive. The fact that workers are required to move around was willfully ignored. One worker who tested positive said, “I clearly would have gotten it at the factory. This week I have worked on three different floors. I’ve eaten in two different cafeterias … I’ve been walking through the whole place.” Employees from the eighth floor of the plant were quarantined, but everyone else was told to keep working.
What Is Really Going On?
Average plant wages are around $16 an hour. Smithfield never raised them. Instead, they offered $500 to employees who could go all of April without an unapproved day off. The company says their “Responsibility Bonuses” show their “immense gratefulness” to employees “for their selfless sacrifices.”
Meanwhile, the local Argus Leader wrote union members wanted essential-worker hazard pay, which “would be considered hourly compensation about 1.5 or two times their normal pay.” One worker said, “I feel like they’re bribing us with [the bonus] to come to work sick. That’s how you know they don’t care.”
Both Sioux Falls workers killed by Covid-19 were in their sixties. It is unconscionable that they were still working. All meatpackers over 50 should be on paid leave. Agustín Rodríguez, 64, had a rough job sawing the legs off dead pigs. He mopped floors with a fever shortly before he was hospitalized.
When CEO Kenneth Sullivan closed the plant, he claimed, “We have continued to run our facilities for one reason: to sustain our nation’s food supply.” This is an effort to sweep Smithfield’s abuses under the rug, as if the company were operating for public benefit. This patriotic propaganda that all Americans are in it together is like a drug to keep workers from getting organized. 

✨ explanation 解释

The operator tokenizes the input texts, computes MinHash signatures, and applies LSH to group similar documents. It then uses a union-find algorithm to identify and remove duplicates based on the Jaccard similarity threshold. The ignore_pattern parameter allows ignoring specific patterns during MinHash computation. In this example, the operator removes near-duplicate long texts while keeping unique short texts and one instance of the long text. 算子对输入文本进行分词，计算MinHash签名，并应用LSH来对相似文档进行分组。然后使用并查集算法根据Jaccard相似度阈值识别并删除重复项。ignore_pattern 参数允许在计算MinHash时忽略特定模式。在这个例子中，算子移除了近似重复的长文本，同时保留了独特的短文本和一个长文本实例。

test_chinese_deduplication

RayBTSMinhashDeduplicator(tokenization='character', ignore_pattern='\\p{P}', work_dir=os.path.join(os.path.dirname(os.path.abspath(__file__)), 'chinese_dedup'))

📥 input data 输入数据

Sample 1: text

你好，请问你是谁

Sample 2: text

欢迎来到阿里巴巴！

Sample 3: text

第九届会议
2003年7月28日至8月8日
牙买加金斯敦
为来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务委员会成员
参加委员会会议支付费用的方式
1. 国际海底管理局大会第八届会议请秘书长采取一项临时措施，设立一个自愿信托基金，以便支付来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会成员以及来自发展中国家的财务委员会成员参加委员会会议的费用。
2. 由于秘书长向会员国发出为该信托基金捐款的请求，已收到三笔捐款，共计10 500美元。 管理局已为基金设立一个单独的账户。
3. 管理局第八届会议还决定，由财务委员会审查资助参加这两个委员会会议的方式，包括审查是否可能从管理局行政预算中提供经费。
4. 自愿信托基金迄今收到的捐款数额很小。 这两个委员会成员虽然由缔约国提名，但他们以个人身份当选。 因此，必须确保这些机构的成员在任期内能够参加会议并且持续不断地履行职务。 现已注意到，这两个委员会若干成员因旅费和生活津贴费用方面有困难而未能出席会议。 来自发展中国家成员参加会议的费用估计数见附件，其中比较了经济舱和公务舱机票价格以及适用于金斯敦的每日生活津贴费用。 从表中可以看出，根据不同的人数、机舱等级和会议持续时间，每年平均需要捐款120 000美元至215 000美元。
5. 为了指导委员会确定提供经费的方式，对某些国际组织的现行办法作了一次简要调查。 为支付参加会议的旅费和生活费而设立信托基金最相关的实...

Show more 展开更多 (686 more chars)

第九届会议
2003年7月28日至8月8日
牙买加金斯敦
为来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务委员会成员
参加委员会会议支付费用的方式
1. 国际海底管理局大会第八届会议请秘书长采取一项临时措施，设立一个自愿信托基金，以便支付来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会成员以及来自发展中国家的财务委员会成员参加委员会会议的费用。
2. 由于秘书长向会员国发出为该信托基金捐款的请求，已收到三笔捐款，共计10 500美元。 管理局已为基金设立一个单独的账户。
3. 管理局第八届会议还决定，由财务委员会审查资助参加这两个委员会会议的方式，包括审查是否可能从管理局行政预算中提供经费。
4. 自愿信托基金迄今收到的捐款数额很小。 这两个委员会成员虽然由缔约国提名，但他们以个人身份当选。 因此，必须确保这些机构的成员在任期内能够参加会议并且持续不断地履行职务。 现已注意到，这两个委员会若干成员因旅费和生活津贴费用方面有困难而未能出席会议。 来自发展中国家成员参加会议的费用估计数见附件，其中比较了经济舱和公务舱机票价格以及适用于金斯敦的每日生活津贴费用。 从表中可以看出，根据不同的人数、机舱等级和会议持续时间，每年平均需要捐款120 000美元至215 000美元。
5. 为了指导委员会确定提供经费的方式，对某些国际组织的现行办法作了一次简要调查。 为支付参加会议的旅费和生活费而设立信托基金最相关的实例是2000年大会为来自发展中国家的大陆架界限委员会成员设立的自愿信托基金。 目前这一基金正在运作，但现有资源有限。 联合国制定的程序表明，委员会成员的政府应在规定时间内尽可能提前提出请求。 这种请求按照先到先核可的办法处理。 提供的机票将是最直接路线的经济舱机票，每日生活津贴将按照联合国费率提供。 购买机票的所有安排均由联合国秘书处执行。
6. 虽然已经设立了临时性的自愿信托基金，但是，对该基金的捐款数额很小，捐款速度很慢。 因此，除了对信托基金提供自愿捐款的办法之外，建议委员会还可以考虑采用下列办法：
(a) 从管理局一般行政经费累计利息中拨出一定数额的经费；
(b) 每年从上一年预算未动用部分中拨出规定的数额；
(c) 从先驱投资者基金利息中拨出规定的数额。
7. 委员会还不妨建议由管理局秘书处依照行政规则和程序管理该基金，并向财务委员会提出一份报告。
附件
资助来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务
委员会成员出席会议的指示性费用（美元）
成员
机票
机场
费用
金斯敦每日生活
津贴
转机途中每日生活
7日
共计
14日
经济舱
公务舱
7天=(8天每日生活
津贴)
14天= (15天每日生活津贴)
商务舱
法律和技术委员会
印度尼西亚
(纽约)
黎巴嫩
巴基斯坦
阿根廷
喀麦隆
墨西哥
巴西
塞内加尔
莫桑比克
埃及(纽约)
大韩民国
印度
斐济
智利
中国
纳米比亚
小计
财务委员会
缅甸
乌干达
牙买加
印度(纽约)
尼日利亚
总计
注：估计费用表表明每年资助每个机构一次会议需要经费120 000美元至215 000美元(四舍五入)。

Sample 4: text

第九届会议
时间：2003年7月28日至8月8日
牙买加金斯敦
为来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务委员会成员
参加委员会会议支付费用的方式
1. 国际海底管理局大会第八届会议请秘书长采取一项临时措施，设立一个自愿信托基金，以便支付来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会成员以及来自发展中国家的财务委员会成员参加委员会会议的费用。
2. 由于秘书长向会员国发出为该信托基金捐款的请求，已收到三笔捐款，共计10 500美元。 管理局已为基金设立一个单独的账户。
3. 管理局第八届会议还决定，由财务委员会审查资助参加这两个委员会会议的方式，包括审查是否可能从管理局行政预算中提供经费。
4. 自愿信托基金迄今收到的捐款数额很小。 这两个委员会成员虽然由缔约国提名，但他们以个人身份当选。 因此，必须确保这些机构的成员在任期内能够参加会议并且持续不断地履行职务。 现已注意到，这两个委员会若干成员因旅费和生活津贴费用方面有困难而未能出席会议。 来自发展中国家成员参加会议的费用估计数见附件，其中比较了经济舱和公务舱机票价格以及适用于金斯敦的每日生活津贴费用。 从表中可以看出，根据不同的人数、机舱等级和会议持续时间，每年平均需要捐款120 000美元至215 000美元。
5. 为了指导委员会确定提供经费的方式，对某些国际组织的现行办法作了一次简要调查。 为支付参加会议的旅费和生活费而设立信托基金最相...

Show more 展开更多 (689 more chars)

第九届会议
时间：2003年7月28日至8月8日
牙买加金斯敦
为来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务委员会成员
参加委员会会议支付费用的方式
1. 国际海底管理局大会第八届会议请秘书长采取一项临时措施，设立一个自愿信托基金，以便支付来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会成员以及来自发展中国家的财务委员会成员参加委员会会议的费用。
2. 由于秘书长向会员国发出为该信托基金捐款的请求，已收到三笔捐款，共计10 500美元。 管理局已为基金设立一个单独的账户。
3. 管理局第八届会议还决定，由财务委员会审查资助参加这两个委员会会议的方式，包括审查是否可能从管理局行政预算中提供经费。
4. 自愿信托基金迄今收到的捐款数额很小。 这两个委员会成员虽然由缔约国提名，但他们以个人身份当选。 因此，必须确保这些机构的成员在任期内能够参加会议并且持续不断地履行职务。 现已注意到，这两个委员会若干成员因旅费和生活津贴费用方面有困难而未能出席会议。 来自发展中国家成员参加会议的费用估计数见附件，其中比较了经济舱和公务舱机票价格以及适用于金斯敦的每日生活津贴费用。 从表中可以看出，根据不同的人数、机舱等级和会议持续时间，每年平均需要捐款120 000美元至215 000美元。
5. 为了指导委员会确定提供经费的方式，对某些国际组织的现行办法作了一次简要调查。 为支付参加会议的旅费和生活费而设立信托基金最相关的实例是2000年大会为来自发展中国家的大陆架界限委员会成员设立的自愿信托基金。 目前这一基金正在运作，但现有资源有限。 联合国制定的程序表明，委员会成员的政府应在规定时间内尽可能提前提出请求。 这种请求按照先到先核可的办法处理。 提供的机票将是最直接路线的经济舱机票，每日生活津贴将按照联合国费率提供。 购买机票的所有安排均由联合国秘书处执行。
6. 虽然已经设立了临时性的自愿信托基金，但是，对该基金的捐款数额很小，捐款速度很慢。 因此，除了对信托基金提供自愿捐款的办法之外，建议委员会还可以考虑采用下列办法：
(a) 从管理局一般行政经费累计利息中拨出一定数额的经费；
(b) 每年从上一年预算未动用部分中拨出规定的数额；
(c) 从先驱投资者基金利息中拨出规定的数额。
7. 委员会还不妨建议由管理局秘书处依照行政规则和程序管理该基金，并向财务委员会提出一份报告。
附件
资助来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务
委员会成员出席会议的指示性费用（美元）
成员
机票
机场
费用
金斯敦每日生活
津贴
转机途中每日生活
7日
共计
14日
经济舱
公务舱
7天=(8天每日生活
津贴)
14天= (15天每日生活津贴)
商务舱
法律和技术委员会
印度尼西亚
(纽约)
黎巴嫩
巴基斯坦
阿根廷
喀麦隆
墨西哥
巴西
塞内加尔
莫桑比克
埃及(纽约)
大韩民国
印度
斐济
智利
中国
纳米比亚
小计
财务委员会
缅甸
乌干达
牙买加
印度(纽约)
尼日利亚
总计
注：估计费用表表明每年资助每个机构一次会议需要经费120 000美元至215 000美元(四舍五入)。

📤 output data 输出数据

Sample 1: text

你好，请问你是谁

Sample 2: text

欢迎来到阿里巴巴！

Sample 3: text

第九届会议
2003年7月28日至8月8日
牙买加金斯敦
为来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务委员会成员
参加委员会会议支付费用的方式
1. 国际海底管理局大会第八届会议请秘书长采取一项临时措施，设立一个自愿信托基金，以便支付来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会成员以及来自发展中国家的财务委员会成员参加委员会会议的费用。
2. 由于秘书长向会员国发出为该信托基金捐款的请求，已收到三笔捐款，共计10 500美元。 管理局已为基金设立一个单独的账户。
3. 管理局第八届会议还决定，由财务委员会审查资助参加这两个委员会会议的方式，包括审查是否可能从管理局行政预算中提供经费。
4. 自愿信托基金迄今收到的捐款数额很小。 这两个委员会成员虽然由缔约国提名，但他们以个人身份当选。 因此，必须确保这些机构的成员在任期内能够参加会议并且持续不断地履行职务。 现已注意到，这两个委员会若干成员因旅费和生活津贴费用方面有困难而未能出席会议。 来自发展中国家成员参加会议的费用估计数见附件，其中比较了经济舱和公务舱机票价格以及适用于金斯敦的每日生活津贴费用。 从表中可以看出，根据不同的人数、机舱等级和会议持续时间，每年平均需要捐款120 000美元至215 000美元。
5. 为了指导委员会确定提供经费的方式，对某些国际组织的现行办法作了一次简要调查。 为支付参加会议的旅费和生活费而设立信托基金最相关的实...

Show more 展开更多 (686 more chars)

第九届会议
2003年7月28日至8月8日
牙买加金斯敦
为来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务委员会成员
参加委员会会议支付费用的方式
1. 国际海底管理局大会第八届会议请秘书长采取一项临时措施，设立一个自愿信托基金，以便支付来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会成员以及来自发展中国家的财务委员会成员参加委员会会议的费用。
2. 由于秘书长向会员国发出为该信托基金捐款的请求，已收到三笔捐款，共计10 500美元。 管理局已为基金设立一个单独的账户。
3. 管理局第八届会议还决定，由财务委员会审查资助参加这两个委员会会议的方式，包括审查是否可能从管理局行政预算中提供经费。
4. 自愿信托基金迄今收到的捐款数额很小。 这两个委员会成员虽然由缔约国提名，但他们以个人身份当选。 因此，必须确保这些机构的成员在任期内能够参加会议并且持续不断地履行职务。 现已注意到，这两个委员会若干成员因旅费和生活津贴费用方面有困难而未能出席会议。 来自发展中国家成员参加会议的费用估计数见附件，其中比较了经济舱和公务舱机票价格以及适用于金斯敦的每日生活津贴费用。 从表中可以看出，根据不同的人数、机舱等级和会议持续时间，每年平均需要捐款120 000美元至215 000美元。
5. 为了指导委员会确定提供经费的方式，对某些国际组织的现行办法作了一次简要调查。 为支付参加会议的旅费和生活费而设立信托基金最相关的实例是2000年大会为来自发展中国家的大陆架界限委员会成员设立的自愿信托基金。 目前这一基金正在运作，但现有资源有限。 联合国制定的程序表明，委员会成员的政府应在规定时间内尽可能提前提出请求。 这种请求按照先到先核可的办法处理。 提供的机票将是最直接路线的经济舱机票，每日生活津贴将按照联合国费率提供。 购买机票的所有安排均由联合国秘书处执行。
6. 虽然已经设立了临时性的自愿信托基金，但是，对该基金的捐款数额很小，捐款速度很慢。 因此，除了对信托基金提供自愿捐款的办法之外，建议委员会还可以考虑采用下列办法：
(a) 从管理局一般行政经费累计利息中拨出一定数额的经费；
(b) 每年从上一年预算未动用部分中拨出规定的数额；
(c) 从先驱投资者基金利息中拨出规定的数额。
7. 委员会还不妨建议由管理局秘书处依照行政规则和程序管理该基金，并向财务委员会提出一份报告。
附件
资助来自发展中国家的法律和技术委员会以及财务
委员会成员出席会议的指示性费用（美元）
成员
机票
机场
费用
金斯敦每日生活
津贴
转机途中每日生活
7日
共计
14日
经济舱
公务舱
7天=(8天每日生活
津贴)
14天= (15天每日生活津贴)
商务舱
法律和技术委员会
印度尼西亚
(纽约)
黎巴嫩
巴基斯坦
阿根廷
喀麦隆
墨西哥
巴西
塞内加尔
莫桑比克
埃及(纽约)
大韩民国
印度
斐济
智利
中国
纳米比亚
小计
财务委员会
缅甸
乌干达
牙买加
印度(纽约)
尼日利亚
总计
注：估计费用表表明每年资助每个机构一次会议需要经费120 000美元至215 000美元(四舍五入)。

✨ explanation 解释

The operator tokenizes the input texts using character-based tokenization, computes MinHash signatures, and applies LSH to group similar documents. It then uses a union-find algorithm to identify and remove duplicates based on the Jaccard similarity threshold. The ignore_pattern parameter allows ignoring specific patterns during MinHash computation. In this example, the operator removes a near-duplicate long text while keeping unique short texts and one instance of the long text. 算子使用基于字符的分词方法对输入文本进行分词，计算MinHash签名，并应用LSH来对相似文档进行分组。然后使用并查集算法根据Jaccard相似度阈值识别并删除重复项。ignore_pattern 参数允许在计算MinHash时忽略特定模式。在这个例子中，算子移除了一个近似重复的长文本，同时保留了独特的短文本和一个长文本实例。

🔗 related links 相关链接

• source code 源代码

• unit test 单元测试

• Return operator list 返回算子列表